The journey of the Becak, the journey of the city: is the Becak of Yogyakarta (still) the King of the road?

IF THERE are some representative and simultaneously paradoxical characters that can serve as the window to view, interpret, and discuss the developments of the city and the lives within the “third world” city, the becak [1] (drivers) are certainly one of them.

Becak is an urban phenomenon. Becak’s contemporary journey has been strongly related to the birth and growth of the roads, lives on the roads, modes of transportation, and the urban mobility, which form the main vocabulary about the birth of the modern cities in Asia. According to Lemaire, the emergence of the three-wheeled becak (cycle-rickshaw) has been a global symptom, born from the transformations of the sedan chair and the pull rickshaw (which in Japanese is called ‘Jinrikisha’, found in 1870) in Japan, and was an early symptom of the urban modernization (or civilizing) processes. [2] The form of the becak has been the result of the modifications or the technical combination between human power and the technique of bicycle (or wheels). From Japan, becak then spread to towns in mainland China, crossing South Asia, straddling Southeast Asia, even up to South Africa. Becak has become a modern trend in Asia, as a transportation means that serve the public in personal ways, alongside the mass transportation modes such as trains, trams, and buses.

In the ensuing moments, however, the becak grows to be a “species” that are considered dangerous for the progress of the developments and modernization processes in Asian cities; this has especially been the opinion of the city and state authorities. Becak is taken as a representation of “backwardness”, poverty, and “uncivilized roughness” that has been accompanying the passion for developments among the postcolonial cities.[3] It is as if the becak has become a “globalized subject”, which has been repressed in order to present the imagination about the modernization project and the progress of the postcolonial modern city. There has been a global wave of curbing, banning, chasing, and doing away with becaks from the lives in the big Asian cities, although locally becak can never disappear from the public memory and the daily facts of life, and it is even more alive and spread out today. Nowadays, after the “civilization” process of the city reaches a certain level of welfare, becak has been revived at the heart of the city in Singapore (as well as in American and British cities) as a part of the city tourism,[4] precisely after the city authority has succeeded in abolishing becak from their city at the beginning of the development of the modern city of Singapore. Perhaps because becak never disappears from urban lives, its life is often forgotten.[5]

In the context of global imagination that has molded the image of the becak, the journey of the pedicab in the town of Yogyakarta has been offering a special and interesting narrative. While becaks have been hunted down, abolished, and banned in Jakarta, Yogyakarta lets itself be called “becak town”. Apparently paying no heed to the wave of becak abolition in other cities, Yogyakarta nourishes its becaks and flourishes with them. The mayor of the town and his deputy re-emphasized this in 2004 with their statements that said, “Becak must be maintained here until our dying days.”[6] Yogyakarta and becak have seemingly become the two sides of a coin, so much so that a tourism site on the internet compares the relationship between the becak and Yogyakarta with that in the city of Jakarta:

Jakarta pedicabs have routinely been harassed by every official decree in any administration since the eighties, but here in the inland Java they still crowd the traffic as bravely as always, forever challenging all traffic laws, including the law of gravity.[7]

It is therefore interesting to keep asking critically: What will the future be for the becak in Yogyakarta? Is it true that the becak in Yogyakarta is (still) the “king of the road”?


A glimpse at the history of the (discourse on) becak
According to Kartodirdjo, the becak was first seen on the street of Batavia—or Jakarta in the Dutch Indies—at the end of the 1930s,[8] and the ENI or the National Encyclopedia of Indonesia notes that becak was seen in Surabaya in 1941.[9] In Yogyakarta, the becak has been sighted before World War II. There has been not much literature that analyzes or comprehensively describes the pedicab’s existence during the time of the Dutch Indies colonial administration, but it was obvious that at the time becak had been recognized as a common means of public transportation. Its number has significantly increased in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and other big cities on Java. Furthermore, becak has long been an important part of the texture of tourism in the city since its appearance on the streets of the city, even before the proclamation of independence. To this day, almost all tourism guidebooks on Indonesia carry the picture of the becak with tips on how to use or ride it.[10] Seen from the viewpoint of tourism, becak has “stealthily” become the representation of Indonesia, albeit having been annihilated in the capital city of Jakarta.

The discourse of the becak is present and continuously reproduced in the two main aspects of the city, i.e. transportation and urban mobility. When it first appeared, becak was considered as a solution to the fuel crisis. Its presence was accepted and become a recognized part of the urban life. Becak became a cheap means of fuel-free transportation for small scale carriage, but it was then rejected precisely due to the argument that the replacement of fuel with human power seemed “inhumane”.

On the other hand, becak has since its inception been considered as creating a new employment possibility, but is again rejected precisely due to its remarkable flexibility to provide job opportunities for the job seekers who come to the city, which are considered as “dangerous” for the development of the modern city. Seen from the perspective of urban mobility—which not only means “movements” on the street but also the socio-economical “movements”—becak is then considered as causing traffic jams, providing employments, and “legitimating” the arrivals of the job seekers to the city. In the eyes of the city and state authorities, the thousands of becaks and the job seeking urbanites form the portrait of the “slowness” that “disrupts” the speed of the city in gaining progress (modernization).

As a part of the problem of urban transportation and mobility, the practice of fragmentarily viewing the becak will always bring us to debates. Such questions of “Is the becak inhuman?”, “Is the becak causing the traffic jams?”, or “Is the becak suitable for the city?” will precisely emphasize the fact that the becak is indeed prone to being abolished. The act of campaigning for the becak as a mode of transportation that is “humane” and “environmentally friendly”, without the understanding about the becak as a part of the city history, is often used to the benefit of the city authority in order to conceal the true problems of the city, which actually is not about the presence of the becak on its streets. The debates on whether becak should or should not be allowed on the city streets will never stop; while becak is actually being shoved to the margins of the city. Meanwhile, the problems of the city become increasingly complex.

The becak in Yogyakarta is different from the becak in Jakarta. The fact in Yogyakarta gives us a different insight and perspective, forcing us to realize that becak is not merely about the matter of inhumane transportation or about the mobility of the commoners that hinders the flow of the traffic and stifles the urban space. Neither is about the matter of tourism, transportation, and urban mobility, viewed in fragments. The becak and the city nourish each other; they are inter-related. In short, the journey of the becak is none other than the journey of the city itself.


The becak in Yogyakarta
There are at least four interlinked statements that live eternally in the minds of “the people”, and we can use these as a reference to understand the question of why the becak is still alive and kicking in Yogyakarta, and is nourishing the town.

First, the existence of the becak in Yogyakarta has been considered as being a part of the (politics of) cultural identity of Yogyakarta, i.e. the culture of Java. This seems to be an extravagant claim; but while the becak is being abolished in Jakarta, the sultan of Yogyakarta, Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, stated that becak could be taken as a sign of the Javanese culture and should therefore be preserved. While admitting that many different interests were involved in this, one must also acknowledge that this provided a space for the becak driver to have a stronger legitimacy for his becak, related with the context of Yogyakarta as a unique town that is “unlike any other town”. The reproduction of the “unique” image of Yogyakarta, besides done by the becak drivers and commoners, are also performed by the various mass media; all trying to legitimate the presence of becak in the town.

Working with the becak is more comfortable in Yogyakarta than in any other town, as admitted by Satimin (66), another becak driver who is usually stationed at the Kridosono Sport Hall. “I’ve driven the becak in Solo and Semarang, but I wasn’t feeling at home there. It was as if I was in a hurry all the time, and life was meant only for making money. It was tiring. It’s different here. I feel more at ease, comfortable, peaceful,” explained Satimin.[12]

Second, the becak in Yogyakarta has become integrated within the urban transportation system in the city as it started to become a part of the tourism industry. The quote below describes a relationship between the becak driver and the tourist:

The becak is indeed a multifunctional vehicle and there always seems to be one around and available at any time of day or night, unlike taxis or buses. These sights have given a tendency, to foreign tourists especially, to romanticize the tukang becak (becak driver). White tourists often have their ‘personal’ tukang during their stay, then write about their experiences and their friendship with the tukang on the Internet. Many foreigners ‘make friends’ with one of the ‘poor becak drivers’ whom they see pedaling their vehicles up steep hills through blazing heat or torrential rain.[13]

In the transportation system of the city, the becak has turned out to be a part of the city policy and the modes of transportation within the city, precisely because the becak has long become a solid part of the city tourism. Yogyakarta’s transportation system was formed along with the presence of tourism in the town. Although there are already taxis, buses, and motorcycle transports, the city authority in Yogyakarta (still) recognize becak as a means of transportation. The mayor of Yogyakarta once stated in response to the abolition of bajajs: [14]

The operation of bajaj will disadvantage the becak drivers and I prefer the becak’s staying. The becak and the bajaj are actually similar kinds of transportation, but becak is free of pollution and can serve as tourists’ attraction.[15]

Third, the becak in Yogyakarta has become a part of a unique economic system, departing from its original function as a mere mode of transportation by generating an urban economic chain that is beneficial to all involved. In the tourism sector, for example, the presence of the becak drivers cannot be separated from the circle of guides, craft and souvenir vendors, artists, hoteliers, becak owners, palatial workers, and even prostitutes. For a simple description, one can read a report by Lemaire quoted below:

I always wondered why the tukang becak around the Palace are even friendlier than the others and offer their services for only Rp. 1000, which is cheaper than anywhere else in town. The fact is that they manage to take the tourists to different shops where they get commission for every item bought by the tourist. The money they earn from the commission is usually higher than the actual fare for the ride. This commission system exists on a much higher scale too: some drivers, who work around Sosrowijaya at night, “can read in men’s eyes”, and take these men to the surrounding brothels. They usually get Rp.30,000 commissions for one client brought over.[16]

Fourth, the Yogyakartan pedicab has become a part of the interactions among neighbors, and even strengthening the cohesion among them, whether socially, spatially, economically, or culturally, along with the growth of the city. What Iman Budhi Santosa describes in his article quoted below can serve as an illustration for this:

At night, before the alleys, around housing complexes, along the busy or quiet streets, becaks await their potential customers. Some wait all night, some arrive only when the night is getting older. This benefits the vicinity as the becak drivers have inadvertently taken part in the ‘neighborhood watch’ efforts, thus indirectly helping the people living in the area.[17]

Santosa also describes the following:

The becak organization at the prostitution area of Sanggrahan (SG) is quite strong and has various activities. They have a co-operative, hold arisan,[18] create traditional theater and music groups, and have other positive activities.[19]


The phenomenon of the motorized becak
Although we have previously discussed about the four contexts that serve as the reasons why the becak is well alive in Yogyakarta, the recent phenomenon of the motorized becak critically challenges our understanding about the developments of the becak in Yogyakarta.

There are a lot of reasons explaining the arrival of the motorized becaks in Yogyakarta. Around four or five years ago, the motorized becak—popularly called ‘becak’ or ‘becak’, short for ‘becak motor’—started to appear in Yogyakarta. This has been an interesting development, as the form of the motorized three-wheeled pedicabs actually provides an answer to the claims about the ‘inhumanity’ of using human power and about the “(non)speed” of the pedicab, which has been accused of causing traffic jams. These are the two matters that have beleaguered the image of the becak and legitimating the efforts to abolish it. The reasons why the becak drivers modify their cabs have also been linked to those matters, although they actually do it for economic and practical reasons. Pak Sarijan, a becak driver, explained:

“If I use the motorized becak, my work is lighter as I no longer have to pedal. I also have more income because I arrive faster to my destinations. Then I can get new customers more quickly.[20]

The presence of the motorized becak in Yogyakarta has generated controversies, disturbing the “traditional” becak drivers in their struggle to get more income, and it is eventually used as a political tool by various parties.[21] The city authority eventually bans the presence of the motorized becak. In January 2003, the Directorate of Traffic of the Local Police of Yogyakarta issued a decree banning the motorized becak to operate in the area of the city of Yogyakarta. The decree refers to the missives by the Governor of Yogyakarta and the Director-General of Land Transportation, Department of Transportations.[22] The Police Commissioner of Yogyakarta explained that the reason for the banning was “to protect the passenger’s safety and the inadequacy of the motorized becak as a means of transportation.”[23] The political controversies notwithstanding, the reasons stated by the drivers of the motorized becaks and the ban by the city authority each has some truth. The drivers of the motorized becaks base their arguments on the pedicab’s speed and the ease it provides, while the city authority argues for the safety of the passengers and the regulations for the urban mass transportation system (which are still non-existent).

On the other hand, the phenomenon of the motorized becak can also be viewed in the context of the “evolution” of the becak. The arrival of the motorized becak shows how weak the arguments are for the banning and the demolition of becak in various big cities, especially in Jakarta. The motorized becak actually provides a solution to the problem of “inhumanity” and “speed” (or the lack of it) as has been argued by the city authority, and simultaneously shows the political interests (of the power that be) lying behind those arguments.

The efforts to read and situate the phenomenon of the motorized becak within the context of the “evolution” of the becak are nothing other than the effort to read and describe the “evolution” of the city of Yogyakarta itself.

The moment when the motorized becak arrived in Yogyakarta was a moment after the national crisis of 1998. Although there is no substantial data yet about the number of the becaks in Yogyakarta after the 1998 crisis and about how the crisis has affected the lives of the becak drivers,[24] the fact is that the competition to earn an income has become increasingly tighter. There are not only competitions among the becak drivers, but also with other modes of transportation, as well as with other parties or sectors. The rising unemployment rate, the high cost of education which causes the decreasing popularity of college-level education in Yogyakarta, the decline in the number of newcomers, the destruction of the tourism chain due to the issues of terror and bombs, and the spatial change of the urban economic spaces due to the building of new malls—all serve as the pieces of the puzzle portraying the macro-condition faced by the becak and the city of Yogyakarta today. The phenomenon of the motorized becak represents the changing context of the city of Yogyakarta amid the national crises and the assault of the global consumption.


The unsuitable development of the city
The development of the city of Yogyakarta for economic growth, as evidenced by the high speed at which the city changes physically,[25] shows that the spirit of competition and speed starts to become “unbridled” in the city. Such speed has not only driven the economic competition on the street to become tighter, but it has also affected (economic) competitions in other social relations. Yogyakarta is not the first city to see the arrival of the motorized becak, and its presence in the past four to five years (although it has been formally banned in 2003) is not something that comes out of the blue. The motorized becak signifies the changes in the urban spatial constellation, in the meaning of the city, and in the social relations among the citizens of Yogyakarta in the context of the urban developments that have been based merely on the speed to gain economic growth—something that is obvious in the latest decade. Such urban development is not actually suitable for Yogyakarta, whether physically, spatially, socially, economically, or culturally; but it unceasingly proceeds with its many projects.

Similarly, the “daring” of the becak drivers to use the motorized becaks is actually unsuitable for the physical situation of the streets, as well as for the socio-economic-cultural relations among the actors on the streets of Yogyakarta, which have formed and been embedded in the city consciousness through a long journey. But it is actually the developments of the city of Yogyakarta—which have denied the physical-spatial conditions of the city and the socio-economic and cultural situations of the community—that forces the arrival of the motorized becaks.

The motorized becak becomes the representation of the common people who are increasingly repressed by the unsuitable developments of the city. The urban developments do not provide opportunities to the people but precisely demolish the chances for the common people to live, so that they are forced to be in competition with themselves and their friends, and to follow the logic of the market: whoever moves faster, gains. The motorized becak is directly present and serves as a symbolic challenge on the increasingly rapid movements on the street. Satimin the becak driver once said that driving a becak in Yogyakarta gave him a feeling of ease and relaxed, where the important thing is to have many friends, mangan ora mangan anggere adil;[26] but this might gradually change into cepet ora cepet anggere mangan.[27] Driving a becak in Yogyakarta has become a complex affair where the competition is tight and everyone strives to get more money. If this is the case, it is time for us to re-view the wave of developments in Yogyakarta and make it more suitable for the physical-spatial conditions of the city and the social, economic, and cultural bases of the people. If one day the city sees the becak drivers being brought to an end (or being inevitably marginalized), then the city actually no longer provides hope for most of its citizens. It will only exist functionally. Only capitalistically.[28]




Yogyakarta, July 2007
Translated by Rani Elsanti




YOSHI FAJAR KRESNO MURTI. Born in Sragen, Central Java, 1977, he now resides in Yogyakarta. The graduate from the Department of Architecture, Atmajaya University, Yogyakarta, has for over thirteen years been involved with the practices and discourses about the city-kampong-space. In 2000 – 2008, he worked at Yayasan Pondok Rakyat, and from 2008 onward he has been working as the Research and Program Development Coordinator at the Indonesian Visual Art Archive (IVAA) in Yogyakarta, while still practicing “frugal architecture”. With his friends, he manages Yogyakarta Kampung Field School and mBrosot Cultural School at Kulonprogo, Yogyakarta.